President Terje Rød-Larsen,
High Representative for Disarmament Affairs Angela Kane,
Excellencies, Distinguished Guests, and
Ladies and Gentlemen,

At the outset, let me thank President Larsen for having me here at this gathering organized by the prestigious International Peace Institute.

Next year, we will celebrate the 70th anniversary of the founding of the United Nations. However, this will also mark the 70th year of division for Koreans, who have a long history as one, united people.

Founded under the auspices of the UN in 1948, the fledgling republic immediately fell to the victim of the Cold War power politics, hampered in its determination to join the global body. Thus, my country became a latecomer to the UN, having gained its membership only in 1991. The two Koreas became the 160th and 161st members of the organization, along with three Baltic States.
As a diplomat posted to then-Korea’s Observer Mission to the UN, I still have vivid memories of listening to the admission speech that the then Korean Foreign Minister delivered at UN headquarters in September 1991.

The hard reality of the Cold War dictated Korea and its people to wait for more than four decades to move from the observer seat to the member seat that was just a few meters apart. For many Koreans, that was a somber reminder of the power politics of the international relations.

Knowing that the two Germanys had replaced their two separate nameplates to one Germany just one year before, it was with a heavy heart that I had to witness the admission of two Koreas to the UN, instead of one.

Now, 23 years later, Korea is a member of the UN Security Council for the second time. Korea is playing an active role in all three major councils of the UN – the Security Council, the Economic and Social Council, and the Human Rights Council. Tomorrow, I will be presiding over a meeting of the Security Council on the occasion of the 10th anniversary of its Resolution 1540.

Korea is also participating in various activities including peacekeeping operations, development cooperation, climate change, non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and promotion of human rights. Most importantly, the current Secretary-General is a proud son of Korea.

As if we were to try to make up for the belated admission, we have certainly made astonishing strides over the last decade or so.
Ladies and Gentlemen,

During this time, the international community has also undergone great transformations. Interdependence deepened due to globalization, while insecurity, inequality, injustice, and intolerance also increased.

At a time when we commemorate the 20th anniversary of the genocide in Rwanda, we are bearing witness to conflicts around the globe, including those in Syria, South Sudan, and the Central African Republic. Furthermore, the bottom billion, including countless women and children, still live below the extreme poverty line on less than two dollars a day.

As Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon once said the international community is confronted with “an over-supply of problems and a deficit of solutions,” which require more multilateral cooperation and partnerships than ever.

Global challenges no longer affect just one or groups of countries. Indeed, today they affect the entire international community, like “the butterfly effect.”

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Northeast Asia and the Korean Peninsula are no exceptions to these complexities. The geopolitical plate of the region is going through what I would call “tectonic shifts.”

Historical transformation is now taking place in Northeast Asia. We are witnessing a rising China, a resurgent Japan, an assertive Russia, and an anachronistic North Korea who is simultaneously pursuing nuclear weapons and economic development. On its part, the United States is now pivoting and rebalancing to Asia.

Conflicts surrounding history, territory and maritime security, among others, are raising the concern that even a military confrontation owing to any miscalculations may become a reality. In fact, Dr. Henry Kissinger, who I met yesterday, said at this year’s Munich Security Conference that, [quote] “Asia is more in a position of 19th century Europe, where military conflict is not ruled out.” [unquote]

On top of this, misguided nationalism is rearing its ugly head in the form of historical revisionism or even denialism, thereby prolonging the tension among countries in the region.

Such political and security tensions are increasing despite the deepening economic interdependency – a phenomenon which I call the “Asia Paradox.” At the heart of all these problems lies an ever deepening “trust deficit.”

There is no better visual illustration of such paradox than a satellite photo of the Korean Peninsula taken at night from space, which shows a striking contrast between the two Koreas.

Clothed in darkness, the Northern part of the Peninsula looks like a black sea, whereas the Southern part, glittering with bright lights, resembles an island in the middle of the sea. Alongside these vivid contrasts, we see all kinds of contradictions in North Korea.


Such volatile situation in Northeast Asia and the Korean Peninsula is hampering the region’s peace and prosperity. If the current situation persists unaddressed, it will undermine the very foundation of the flourishing Northeast Asian economy.

Alexander the Great had cut off the Gordian knot with a single stroke, but unfortunately we do not have such a solution to our present-day problems.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The Park Geun-hye administration took office last year amid these mounting challenges in the Korean Peninsula, Northeast Asia, and beyond. President Park’s foreign policy, which we call Trustpolitik, is aimed to transform the existing structure of distrust and conflict into a structure of trust and cooperation. In essence, she is seeking to build "a new Korean Peninsula, a new Northeast Asia, and a new world."

The greatest obstacle to pursuing this audacious endeavor is the North Korean nuclear conundrum. In particular, the most urgent task is to prevent the North from conducting another nuclear test and mastering its nuclear weapons and delivery capability.
Over the last month or so, North Korea has been warning of an additional nuclear test to be conducted at an unimaginable scale. In fact, there have been a series of indications that preparations are underway in this regard. Whether North Korea will actually engage in such nuclear test or not, our assessment is that North Korea is ready to undertake the test whenever they make the necessary political decision.

Faced with such a challenge, my government is making intensive diplomatic efforts to deter North Korea’s dangerous provocations. We are working in concert with our friends and partners in the region and around the world such as parties to the six-party talks, members of the UN Security Council, the European Union, ASEAN and the newly formed MIKTA – composed of Mexico, Indonesia, Korea, Turkey, and Australia.
Furthermore, leaders of Korea, US, Japan met at a trilateral summit, and President Park Geun-hye also met with Chinese President Xi Jinping and American President Obama on separate occasions.

During this series of summit meetings, the Chinese leadership had made clear that they will not accept a nuclear armed North Korea and strongly oppose any further North Korean nuclear tests. President Obama, during his visit to Seoul stated that in case of North Korea’s additional nuclear test, he will [quote] “look at additional ways to apply pressure on North Korea, further sanctions that have even more bite.” [unquote]

If North Korea were to go ahead with another nuclear test in defiance of the collective will of the international community, it will have to pay the heaviest price that it has never seen in the past. As all of us are well aware, the UN Security Council has already adopted a series of resolutions that impose extensive and strong sanctions against the North over its last three nuclear provocations.

The additional sanctions that North Korea calls “hat of sanctions” and so opposes, should not only muster the full weight of fortified UN sanctions, but will also trigger a wide range of individual sanctions. These actions will be an “iron hat of unbearable weight.”

Membership of the UN requires states to be peace-loving. Therefore, states pledge to faithfully abide by the responsibilities enshrined in the UN Charter. In this regard, the international community should send out a strong message that habitual disregard for the UN Charter will not go unpunished for the sake of its own credibility.

North Korea must realize that it cannot breach its obligations without the total loss of trust and complete isolation from the international community.

From our standpoint, the advanced level of North Korean nuclear program has no comparison in terms of its seriousness. I wish to remind you that North Korea is the only country to have conducted nuclear weapons tests in the 21st century.

It is for this very reason that UN Security Council resolutions demand that North Korea dismantle its nuclear weapons programs in a complete, verifiable and irreversible manner.

As I speak before you now, the third Preparatory Committee for the 2015 NPT Review Conference is taking place here in New York. I call on State Parties to the NPT to send a clear and firm message opposing North Korea’s pursuit of nuclear weapons.

Thus far, I focused on the subject of nuclear proliferation emanating from North Korea. What is adding to our concern is that this kind of nuclear weapons program can fall into the wrong hands of terrorists and non-state actors. This is why I attach great importance to tomorrow’s high-level open debate of the Security Council, which I will preside over, to discuss ways to strengthen the implementation of resolution 1540.

This open debate is a very natural complement to the outcome of the Nuclear Security Summit held in the Hague last March, through which the international community forged its unified stance to prevent nuclear terrorism.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The Constitution of UNESCO provides, [quote] “that since wars begin in the minds of men, it is in the minds of men that the defences of peace must be constructed.” [unquote]

However, the semblance of peace on the Korean Peninsula remains fragile. This is why my government is attaching great importance to building trust and achieving sustainable peace on the Korean Peninsula. The dire human rights and humanitarian situation in North Korea is also the area in which we wish to make progress.

This is the main reason why President Park Geun-hye laid out her vision for a unified Korea during her speech in Dresden. Through that speech, she proposed three concrete and action-oriented proposals to the North. That is, to resolve the humanitarian problems of the people of the Korean Peninsula; to build infrastructure for the welfare of the peoples and co-prosperity of the two Koreas; and to promote integration of the Korean people.

President Park’s vision for unification puts people first. This is in line with the UN’s guiding principles, as captured in the preamble of the Charter which open with the lines, “We the Peoples.”

Our humanitarian proposals can be steadily implemented regardless of political and security considerations, including through the 1,000-day UN project for maternal health and nutrition for infants. The situation of chronic malnutrition of infants is quite dire. These infants are compatriots who will live side by side us after the unification. But as the saying goes, it takes two to tango. We hope that North Korea will positively respond to our genuine proposals.

We recognize that our journey toward unification will be long and bumpy. As we saw in the case of German reunification, cooperation from the international community is essential in completing that journey. This is the reason why Korea’s pursuit of unification will proceed in harmony with interest of our neighbors, with the blessing of the international community, and will contribute to the cause of humanity.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

As I said before, the unification that Korea aspires to build will be in the interests of both neighboring countries and the international community. Among other things, the Korean unification can make contribution in following directions.

First, the unification of Korea will serve as a significant stabilizer for the security of our region and beyond. Indeed, a unified Korea will be free of nuclear weapons, thus alleviating security threats in Northeast Asia. Furthermore, it will facilitate global efforts towards nuclear non-proliferation, nuclear security and nuclear safety. This will, in turn, help to usher in a nuclear weapons-free world.

As the reunification of Germany charted a path for the eventual integration of Europe, the Korean unification will contribute to the creation of a more cooperative order in Northeast Asia.

Second positive aspect of the unified Korea will be the immense economic benefits for its neighbors and the region. Just as the reunification of Germany paved a way for “the Miracle of Elbe River” for the Eastern part of Germany, I am certain that the unification of Korea will result in “the Miracle of Dae-dong River” for the Northern part of Korea, in a follow up to the Miracle of the Han River.

The emergence of a unified economy with a population of 80 million will present an enormous economic opportunity, and provide a new blue ocean for its neighbors and partners by transforming the Peninsula into a Pacific and Eurasian hub.

Third, the unification of Korea will make significant contributions to addressing the global agendas. More than anything else, the entire peninsula will enjoy such universal values as individual freedom and human rights. A unified Korea with enhanced status and capacity will be better placed to address the daunting array of global challenges.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

This year marks the 120th anniversary of Korea's first experiment at Western-style reform which took place during the height of imperialism of the late-19th century. Sadly, the reform failed and led to the loss of Korea’s sovereignty. Furthermore, the loss of statehood led to the division of the peninsula and the tragic civil war.

Throughout our history, we learned the important and hard lessons that, if you are unprepared for historical tides that came to your shore, it is not just you, but your future generations who will bear the cost of your wrong choice.

As Korea has now grown into a responsible member of the international community, we are posed to open a better future and write a new history. As Peter Drucker said, “The best way to predict the future is to create it.” Korea will not wait for changes, we will create changes.

The most important change that we wish to create is the unification of Korea. It will mark a significant progress in humanity’s march toward greater peace, prosperity, and justice as enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations.

The unification of Korea will also facilitate the journey of the UN to become a true “Parliament of Man” where peace, development, and human rights are pursued.

23 years ago, the two Germanys ended their longstanding division and replaced their two nameplates in the UN with one. Likewise, I do believe the day is approaching, perhaps much faster than we may all realize, for the two Koreas to replace their respective nameplates with one singular nameplate that simply says – Korea.

On this historic journey toward unification, I wish to count on the support of the UN and its member states.

Thank you.