Chairman Ha Young-sun,
President Lee Sook-jong,
Distinguished Participants, and
Ladies and Gentlemen,

Quite often, history is a great source of inspiration for the future. In this vein, we know that this year marks the 25th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall, ending the nearly four decades of the Cold War. It is also the centennial of the outbreak of the First World War.

Last week, many European leaders commemorated the 70th anniversary of D-Day on the coast of Normandy. As I watched the CNN news coverage of the 19 leaders of victors and defeated countries of the World War II together, I asked myself “can that kind of celebration take place here in East Asia as well?”

In particular, when President Hollande of France told his German audience that he [quote] “wish to pay tribute to the Germans who were actually victims of the Nazi rule,” [unquote] it resonated the true spirit of reconciliation and peace that the Europeans have achieved. It was in stark contrast with the situation here in East Asia.

Next year, China and Russia will jointly celebrate the 70th anniversary of their victory over fascism. Korea and Japan will mark the 50th anniversary of normalization of relations. For Koreans, it is the 70th year of the divided peninsula.

To our regret, as things persist like now, we may not have much to celebrate, as confrontation is once again intensifying in East Asia – on the ground, at the sea, in the sky, and even throughout the cyberspace. It was a somber reminder of the state of East Asia today.

Last week, I also visited Myanmar to take part in the unveiling ceremony of a special memorial dedicated to those who perished from the 1983 North Korean terrorist bombing.

As I stood on the hallow ground where the 17 lives were taken away, I was reminded of the tragic situation of the divided peninsula that continues to this day.

In my speech before the participants, I urged North Korea to follow the path of Myanmar that opted for reforms and openness in response to the global waves of changes.

Time is ripe for us to ponder upon where we are now, and which path we will take into the future. Our choices will dictate whether we will be able to overcome the confrontation and conflict and usher in an era of trust and cooperation, or shall let the specter of old history, i.e. “the curse of geopolitics” return to haunt us.
In this time of great challenge and transformation, I cannot but emphasize the significance of this gathering to discuss “Korea’s vision for Unification and the Future of East Asia.” I thank Chairman Ha Young-sun and East Asia Institute for organizing this timely conference, and welcome all the participants.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Over the last 20 years, waters of the Pacific in East Asia remained indeed pacific. But what we are seeing now is the turbulent waters that tend to engulf all that is near and far, from the East Sea and the East China Sea, all the way down to the South China Sea.

If Thomas Hobbes was still alive, he may remind us of his well-known dictum that it is indeed, “everyone’s struggle against everyone.”

If you do not agree with my characterization of the current situation, you are also drawn to the warning of Dr. Henry Kissinger, who said this past February, “Asia is more in a position of 19th-century Europe, where military conflict is not ruled out.”

As if to prove us right, last month we saw in the South China Sea a rare incident of clash between Vietnamese and Chinese ships. Two weeks ago, in the air space above the East China Sea, there was a near clash between a Chinese fighter jet and a Japanese reconnaissance plane that came within a 30-meter distance against each other.

Thus, all over East Asia, it is as if Pandora’s Box has been opened and all sorts of problems are arising.


If this trend continues unchecked, it will seriously weaken the ever-growing economic inter- dependence East Asia has achieved over the last two decades since the end of the Cold War. The entire region may plunge into a deep crater of retrogression.

More fundamentally, seeds of confrontation are being sown in the hearts and minds of East Asians where defenses of peace should be constructed. Historical revisionism, aided by misguided nationalism is adding fuel to what is already an explosive situation over territory and arms race. Under these circumstances, any small incident can easily escalate into a wider, physical confrontation, placing relevant actors on a possible collision course.

When the French President Hollande said at the foregoing D-Day ceremony that we must [quote] “serve peace and find solutions so that conflicts do not degenerate into wars,” [unquote] it was also a warning for those of us in East Asia as well.

It is in the same vein, I would like to draw your attention to President John F. Kennedy’s 1963 speech titled Towards a Strategy of Peace. In it, he declared that “peace need not be impracticable, and war need not be inevitable.”

There is no other place than here in East Asia that such a strategy for peace is needed. “Peace is not attained by the strength of one or two powers,” as “a genuine peace must be the product of many nations, the sum of many acts. Peace is a process, a way of solving our problems.”

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The present state of East Asia, where centrifugal force is prevailing over centripetal force presents a grave challenge to Korea. No nation is immune from developments taking place outside its borders. For Koreans, we have come to recognize that our future is inseparable from that of East Asia. It is a hard lesson and instinct acquired from our 5,000-year history and the 70-year division of the Korean Peninsula.

From this perspective, I must point out a few likely misperceptions arising from the complexities surrounding East Asia in a larger context.


First, nations in East Asia should stay away from a temptation to entertain extremist frame of thought that assumes competing states to be enemies. In our world characterized by increased inter-dependence, it is clear that Cold War mentality will lead nowhere.

A peace built on only military power will not be sustainable. Moreover, any nation that values its people’s welfare must not resort to the indiscriminate pursuit of parochial national self-interests. After all, diplomacy is much more cost-effective way of solving problems. We are no longer living in a world of zero-sum games.

Second, a common security concern in East Asia should not be a political football or become hostage to bilateral conflicts. There has been a widely-shared belief that North Korea’s pursuit of nuclear weapons poses a clear and present danger to the peace and prosperity of the region, not to mention the very foundation of peace and security of the Korean Peninsula. The UN Security Council has already delivered a verdict on this question through a series of stern resolutions.

Any nation that may wish to compromise on the cause of peace for the sake of domestic politics will run the risk of losing a more serious bet it has arduously made. Conventional wisdom tells us that the marriage of convenience is not sustainable.

Third, the continuation of the status quo on the Korean Peninsula will serve nobody’s interests in East Asia. The history of 70-year-long division attests to the fact that this division is the major source of problems and misgivings in the region.

Rather, it should be clear by now that the unification of the Korean Peninsula will reduce the political conflict in Northeast Asia and present unimaginable economical opportunities. Thus, it will pave the way for a more peaceful and prosperous New Asia.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

If history is indeed a good source of inspiration, we Koreans certainly draw lessons from the German reunification. The German experience of pursuing exchange and cooperation between the East and the West, while seeking to change the strategic contours of Europe in favor of the reunification lends valuable insights for Korea’s unification strategy.


In the case of Korea, where geopolitical interests of major powers crisscross, the importance of diplomatic strategy cannot be emphasized enough. Korea’s unification policy seeks to pursue a balanced approach that takes into consideration both the inter-Korean relations as well as international efforts.

To this end, Korea is pursuing a unification policy to build sustainable trust between the two Koreas through the Trust-building Process in the Korean Peninsula. President Park Geun-hye further elaborated her unification policy in her Dresden speech as she outlined the three key elements of unification such as agenda for humanity; agenda for co-prosperity; and agenda for integration.

Bringing about change through contact is a necessary condition, but not a sufficient condition. In view of the past history and current state of affairs in East Asia, we clearly recognize the need to create an external environment that is amenable not only to the improved relations between the two Koreas, but also to the eventual unification of the Korean Peninsula.

First of all, in Northeast Asia, Korea is strengthening its ties with most of its neighbors and promoting the multilateral approach called Northeast Asia Peace and Cooperation Initiative in order to change the current structure of mistrust and confrontation into mutually beneficial mechanism of trust and cooperation.

Korea is also pursuing the Eurasia Initiative designed to promote cooperation with its partners in the Eurasian continent. It is a grand national strategy that will be pursued on the road to and in the aftermath of the unification.

To the south, Korea is strengthening its strategic partnership with ASEAN countries. In addition, Korea is pushing strategic dialogues with key partners and regional organizations in Latin America, the Middle East, and Africa. The establishment of a new cooperation mechanism among five advanced middle power states called “MIKTA” that share similar values with us is also the result of such efforts.

We know the road to ultimate unification will be long and bumpy. In particular, the North Korea’s pursuit of nuclear weapons constitutes the biggest hurdle in our journey ahead. Thus far, we have engaged in a coercive diplomacy among the international community to dissuade North Korea from conducting its fourth nuclear test and to dismantle its nuclear weapons programs. We are also working closely together with core partners to create a necessary environment to secure complete, verifiable, and irreversible denuclearization of North Korea.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

At the outset, I told you that I visited Myanmar. Even a country like Myanmar who opted for seclusion for a long time is now on the course of what is called “Myanmar’s Way,” which describes the series of reforms and liberalizations under way there.

Since 2011, Myanmar expanded political freedom and accepted IAEA's monitoring of its nuclear facilities. Streets of Yangon and Naypyidaw, the present capital city, are now bustling with so many western visitors. The international community is welcoming Myanmar's new journey.

Now is the time for North Korea to follow the path of Myanmar and Vietnam. The sooner the North Korea makes that kind of strategic decision, the better. History is full of good examples on strategic decisions that changed the course of nations’ destiny, such as the birth of the EU, the normalization of relations between the US and China, and the peace treaty concluded between Egypt and Israel.

Setting aside the famous international relations theory of constructivism, Albert Einstein once said "imagination is the preview of life's coming attractions." The vision we imagine soon becomes a reality and a future. It is our will and our commitment that determines the direction of our journey into the future.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

For Koreans, June is a cruel month filled with painful memories of the Korean War. Over the course of the past half-century, Korea overcame the scars of war, achieved democratization and economic success at a speed unmatched by any in the world history.

Looking ahead, Korea will be undeterred as we embark on our journey toward unification, as we have successfully weathered through all the trials and tribulations throughout our past history.

I assure you that the democratic and prosperous unified Korea will be poised to serve the cause of peace, prosperity, and human dignity of East Asia and beyond. In that journey toward “a New Korea and a New Asia,” I count on your counsel and support.

Thank you very much.