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전자정부이 누리집은 대한민국 공식 전자정부 누리집입니다.

콘텐츠 영역

한-EU 동북아평화협력 구상 세미나 외교장관 기조연설(영문)

2014.09.18 외교부 장관
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Chancellor Yoon,
Director Missiroli,
Ambassador Kozlowski,
Secretary-General Iwatani, and
Distinguished guests,



This year marks the centenary of the First World War as well as the 75th anniversary of the Second. The harrowing and horrifying experiences of these two world wars spurred the founders of the United Nations to “save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, and to promote social progress and better standards of life in greater freedom.”

The fruits of these efforts were remarkable. In retrospect, for about a half century that spanned from the end of World War II to the end of the Cold War and most of the post-Cold War era, the world lived through an age of relative peace and progress.
An age where more and more people came to share common values and ideals.
An age where economic integration took hold.
An age of heightened international cooperation.
Despite frequent tensions and conflicts emanating from the Cold War, it was that rare thing in history, a fortunate period where a larger part of humanity enjoyed peace and prosperity. No wonder that an optimism born from the “End of History” and an “Age of Hope” flowed forth.

Unfortunately, we now live in more turbulent times. Around us we see a world straining under symptoms of discord and disorder. A world that is facing fundamental, critical challenges. We are witnessing the unraveling of states, their spinning out of control – in Syria, Iraq and Libya. We are seeing a new fault line, a “mini Cold War” of sorts, between and among states, divided on how to deal with a spate of vexing issues, from Syria, Ukraine to ISIS.


In my part of the world, Northeast Asia, we are facing uncertainties and challenges that are no less daunting and complicated. The contentions between major powers in the region cover the skies, the seas, the land and even cyberspace. History-related issues are disfiguring good neighborly fences into walls of mistrust and discord. Nations are competing for more arms. Regional confidence building measures and crisis management mechanisms are yet non-existent. The possibility of escalation into armed conflict has moved from being a theoretical to a real concern.

The tremors coming out from the political and security fields are now being felt in economic and other areas as well. Two days ago, the OECD marked out the conflicts in Ukraine, the Middle East and independence movements in Europe as a triple shock of geo-political risks that are damaging the world economy.

The fear is now real, that we might be unwittingly stepping into the entrance of a long, dark passage. The voices of wisdom and experience are calling for our attention.

Only five days ago, Pope Francis made a striking warning that World War III may have already begun. He empathically spoke about the crimes, massacres and destruction of our current times at the Redipuglia memorial, the final resting place of 100,000 soldiers killed during World War I.

About ten days ago, Henry Kissinger published a new book, “World Order,” where he warns that we are at a historic turning point. Indeed, the fabric of the current world order, which has brought us freedom and prosperity, is unraveling at the seams.

Now is a good time to think anew on the turn that our global order is taking and to examine carefully where we are headed to. The prize is the development of a new system that can accommodate the partnerships, universal principles and modern realities beyond the traditional balance of power.

This is a difficult challenge that calls for wide collaboration and creative, persistent efforts.

Distinguished guests,

The great European poet Dante’s 『Gate of Hell』 bears the famous inscription, quote “Abandon all hope, ye who enter here,” unquote. Hope is what overcomes fear and despair. Paradoxical as it may sound, it is this challenge in the global order that is feeding our hopes.

Our hopes are for a new order of cooperation and integration, one that prevails over conflict and tension. To quote the succinct remarks of Pope Francis during his visit to Korea, our goal is “to build a better, more peaceful, just and prosperous world for our children.” And it is the European experience that allows us to say with confidence, “look at Europe – our goal is achievable.”

One century ago, Europe was a continent engulfed in the flames of global war. Now, it has become a region that has come together to use its power and influence for the sake of global peace. Decades ago, Europe was a continent united by mutual suspicion and antagonism. Now, the European Union has become an inspiration for other regions that are striving to replace conflict and distrust with reconciliation and cooperation.

Europe’s achievements in the 20th century at the western periphery of the Eurasian continent are Korea’s aspirations in the 21st century at its eastern end. This is the essence of President Park Geun-hye's Northeast Asia Peace and Cooperation Initiative. Our quest is to transform Northeast Asia from a region suffering from mistrust and confrontation into a region of trust and cooperation. We seek to open a new chapter in Northeast Asia, and through this, contribute to a peaceful and cooperative world order.

The Korean government’s Northeast Asia Peace and Cooperation Initiative is intended to provide a great opportunity for a stable global order. Northeast Asia is home to rising powers with divergent values and visions. As former Secretary of State Hilary Clinton has rightly noted, building a cooperative relationship within the region will go a long way in meeting the broader global challenge.

This is the backdrop for today’s seminar, which comes with exquisite timing. I thank the Korea National Diplomatic Academy and the European Union Institute for Security Studies (EUISS) for hosting this occasion.

Korea and the EU are natural and strategic partners. Korea is the only Asian nation to sign three major agreements with the EU – the Framework Agreement, the Free Trade Agreement and the Crisis Management Agreement. Korea and the EU are united through our common values and our ambitious vision for a better future. I hope that today’s discussions on the international order, both on the global and Northeast Asian regional levels, will serve to cement our strategic partnership.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Keeping in mind the above, I would now like to share some thoughts on how these two regions are connected.

Let me begin with the three lessons European integration can teach us.

First, comes the need for long term vision and planning. Europe had inspired visionaries who imagined a new regional order in a post-war world. Robert Schuman led the formation of the European Coal and Steel Community, the forerunner of the modern EU. Winston Churchill, as early as 1946, proposed the idea of a United States of Europe. Europe had leaders who had the imagination, vision and determination to pursue the European project. Even when it seemed to be an outlandish idea ahead of its time.

Yet vision in itself is not sufficient. The nations of Europe were persistent and patient in their efforts. The Helsinki Final Act was adopted in 1975, and the Europeans worked through the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) to enhance confidence and security, as well as economic, cultural and humanitarian cooperation. Thus, the strong mutual trust and solidarity of today’s Europe, whole and free, was not built in a day.

Second, is the need for a creative, trust building approach on a step-by-step basis. Keeping the status quo is not always an easy task, but changing it requires even greater courage and effort. The initial mission of the CSCE, created in 1975, was to maintain the post-war order, but it became the vessel for the more ambitious dream of European integration. As European integration has become a reality, the OSCE, formed in 1990, has begun to work for the greater dream of a Euro-Atlantic and Eurasian Security Community in the 21st century.

Third, is the necessity of healing historical wounds, as was aptly mentioned by Director Missiroli, just now. In 1970, in Warsaw, West German Chancellor Brandt knelt at a memorial for World War II holocaust victims. That moment of golden silence did more than any amount of winged words could have done to heal the past and set the seal on a new future. It became the symbol of a new relationship with former victim countries. The genuine gesture of contrition and the substantive actions to buttress it were vivid signals that encapsulated the sincerity of Germany. Without those gestures and actions, I ask you – where would European integration be now? Where would German reunification be?

Germany’s sincere efforts to assuage the fears and concerns of its neighbors went a long way to make all of this possible. This is an experience we in Northeast Asia should take into account. Historical and territorial issues are forming a regional vortex. What concerns us is the ongoing attempts to justify or even beautify past wrongdoings. If we want Northeast Asia as a region of peace and cooperation, it is essential to have a correct understanding on history and to try to resolve the underlying sources of tension once and for all.

Distinguished guests,

For us Koreans, the European experience has been invaluable in conceiving and formulating the Northeast Asia Peace and Cooperation Initiative.

First of all, the Initiative uses European modes of cooperation as a point of reference. In Europe, joint work on ‘soft issues’ such as economic cooperation paved the way for collaboration on ‘hard issues’ like Confidence and Security Building Measures(CSBMs).

The Northeast Asia Peace and Cooperation Initiative takes a similar approach.
? Focus on building up the process and experience of cooperation and dialogue.
? Start with the easier topics, the non-traditional soft security issues.
? Gradually move on and expand the cooperation to traditional security issues.
That is why we are trying to work together on matters such as nuclear security, the environment, disaster relief, and energy security. When we regional countries can put sufficient trust in each other, the time will have come to cooperate on traditional security issues. We will then have a foundation on which to build a new multilateral security framework.

Second, the Northeast Asia Peace and Cooperation Initiative is an open initiative. The OSCE is a ‘broad church’ with 57 members, working with numerous international and regional organizations. In a similar vein, the doors of the Initiative are open to all stakeholders. The Initiative is centered on the Northeast Asia region, but European and Southeast Asian countries, and organizations such as the EU and OSCE are welcome as observers. And let me emphasize that the Initiative is always open for North Korea, an important regional stakeholder.

The Initiative also takes a collaborative approach. As I mentioned before, members, as co-architects, may take the lead on discussing agenda items that interest them. This will ensure the active participation from all member states.

Third, the Northeast Asia Peace and Cooperation Initiative seeks to build complementary relations with existing mechanisms. The OSCE contributes to the peace and security of Europe and the world by maintaining good working relationships with the UN, EU, NATO, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and many others. Likewise, the Initiative aims to create a mutually beneficial synergy effect with the Korea-U.S. Alliance, the Six Party Talks, the ARF and East Asia Summit (EAS). The Initiative will be a companion, not a contender, to the present bilateral and multilateral efforts for regional cooperation.

Last but not least, we have a tool box with a set of mechanisms to apply and achieve these objectives. Bilaterally, we are working to improve ties while being mindful of the complexities underlying them. Our strategic cooperation with countries both within and outside Northeast Asia is closer than ever. The fact that the U.S., China, Russia, ASEAN and particularly the EU, as Ambassador Kozlowski has reminded us just now, have all come out in support of the Initiative speaks volumes. This is going in concert with the gradual steps we are taking to form the habit of multilateral cooperation.

We are also active in small scale, sub-regional multilateral cooperation, especially in the various forms of trilateral dialogue in the region. A few days ago, Korea, China and Japan held the first trilateral SOM after a gestation of ten months. As Ambassador Iwatani is well aware, Korea led the initiative with the hope of resuming the stalled Foreign Ministers’ Meeting and the Leaders’ Meeting. Our hope is that such multi-layered exchanges will ease the geopolitical concerns of the region while fostering multilateral cooperation.




Ladies and gentlemen,

The European movement for reconciliation and deeper integration is not the product of nature. It is rather the result of attentive and carefully nurtured efforts.

Korea is deploying focused, resolute and determined diplomacy to push forward the Northeast Asia Peace and Cooperation Initiative. For us, this is a matter of national strategy, to be persistently continued in future administrations as well.

As the Joint Korea-EU Declaration announced during President Park’s visit last year to Brussels clearly states, Korea and the EU share a strong will to work together for the greater well-being of our peoples and the global community. Europe is a supporter, sponsor and partner of the Northeast Asia Peace and Cooperation Initiative. As we step to take the Initiative forward, we hope to go hand in hand with Europe, to widen the scope of our collaboration.

The Roman philosopher Seneca noted that “hand washes hand (manus manum lavat)”. The Proverbs say that “iron sharpens iron.” Today we have a gathering of the sharpest intellectual minds of Europe and Korea, and individuals with vast practical experiences. I sincerely hope that we will see an outpouring of wisdom and insights to meet the challenges of our times.

Thank you.

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기사 이용 시에는 출처를 반드시 표기해야 하며, 위반 시
저작권법 제37조
제37조(출처의 명시)
① 이 관에 따라 저작물을 이용하는 자는 그 출처를 명시하여야 한다. 다만, 제26조, 제29조부터 제32조까지,
제34조제35조의2의 경우에는 그러하지 아니하다. <개정 2011. 12. 2.>
② 출처의 명시는 저작물의 이용 상황에 따라 합리적이라고 인정되는 방법으로 하여야 하며, 저작자의 실명
또는 이명이 표시된 저작물인 경우에는 그 실명 또는 이명을 명시하여야 한다.
제138조
제138조(벌칙)
다음 각 호의 어느 하나에 해당하는 자는 500만원 이하의 벌금에 처한다. <개정 2011. 12. 2.>
1. 제35조제4항을 위반한 자
2. 제37조(제87조 및 제94조에 따라 준용되는 경우를 포함한다)를 위반하여 출처를 명시하지 아니한 자
3. 제58조제3항(제63조의2, 제88조 및 제96조에 따라 준용되는 경우를 포함한다)을 위반하여 저작재산권자의 표지를 하지 아니한 자
4. 제58조의2제2항(제63조의2, 제88조 및 제96조에 따라 준용되는 경우를 포함한다)을 위반하여 저작자에게 알리지 아니한 자
5. 제105조제1항에 따른 신고를 하지 아니하고 저작권대리중개업을 하거나, 제109조제2항에 따른 영업의 폐쇄명령을 받고 계속 그 영업을 한 자 [제목개정 2011. 12. 2.]
에 따라 처벌될 수 있습니다.
<자료출처=정책브리핑 www.korea.kr>

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