Ambassador Brahimi,
Ambassador Vershbow,
Ambassador Reiterer,
Assistant Minister Qian,
Chancellor Yoon,
Members of the diplomatic corps,
Distinguished participants,
Ladies and gentlemen,

Next year means much to many nations and regions represented here today. The U.S. and the countries of Europe commemorate the 70th anniversary of the end of World War Two; Russia will celebrate the 70th year of victory against fascism, as China does hers. For Korea and Japan, it will be fifty years of diplomatic ties. And the nations of southeast Asia will launch the historic ASEAN Community.

During all these decades, the world has gone through profound transformations. Europe rose from the ashes of war to a united Europe in the form of the EU. The OSCE and a reunified Germany have endowed the continent with peace and stability, and economic integration gave it affluence and prosperity.

China’s policy of openness and reform has paid off spectacularly. In mere decades, it has become the second largest economy in the world. Both Japan and Korea achieved economic miracle and maturing democracy. And Asia has become an engine of the global economic growth.

Where are we now then? With more than two decades after the end of the Cold War, a spate of inter-regional and intra-regional efforts are well underway, from the APEC to the Transpacific Partnership (TPP), the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) to the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). ASEM is drawing up plans to tighten the collaboration between Asia and Europe in the lead up to its 20th anniversary of its birth in 2016.
So, on the façade, the world is pulling intense efforts for closer integration and enhanced connectivity, both between and within the regions. Korea is no exception. Next month, Korea will take part in a string of summits – APEC, ASEAN related meetings and the G20. later this year, Korea and ASEAN will hold a special commemorative Summit to mark 25 years of dialogue relations. It has been working with regional groups such as the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CEALAC), the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), the Visegrad group and the Nordic countries.

Having said that, some of you may have noticed there is a missing link in these attempts to connect the dots throughout the world. That blank part is Northeast Asia.

In terms of economic interdependence, for one thing, Northeast Asia accounts for a quarter of global output and more than 20% of world trade. The Korea-China-Japan FTA talks are moving at a slow but steady pace. But the potential remains untapped. Unlike other regions, the economic interdependence of Northeast Asia has not been translated into wider cooperation among the countries.

By now, the reasons are well known to you : In addition to North Korea’s ongoing nuclear weapons programs and its continued provocations, we are witnessing a surge of old and new problems compounding the tensions. The underlying historical and territorial issues between regional countries have come to the fore. Challenges such as maritime security, space and cyber security have also emerged. All these are holding back much broader collaboration.

More importantly, these tensions are not easing off. On the contrary, they tend to be on the rise. I call this the “Asia Paradox”. It means political and security cooperation remains minimal and lags behind the deepening economic interdependence; and there is a mismatch between high and low politics.

If this paradox happened to be a transient phenomenon, there would be no need for concern. But many recent events in this part of the world remind us the paradox will be deepening, if these challenges are left unaddressed. Though many of us are well aware of this, there is an inertia in the way we try to ease or solve problems. We rely too much on the conventional toolbox, with the narrow range of either bilateral means or realpolitik. If this pattern persists, there can be little hope for Northeast Asia in breaking out of the traditional security dilemma.

Now is the time for us to complement and reinforce our approach with a new mindset – that is, a collaborative, coordinated, future-oriented and sustainable regional cooperation. For this to happen, we have to deal with the main obstacle hindering such cooperation, namely the lack of trust – by turning the trust deficit into a trust surplus and by promoting the habit or culture of multilateral dialogue.

Fortunately enough, I believe those present here today understand the hard realities of Northeast Asia, and have a positive attitude that says we must, and we can, do something. As you have just heard President Park’s video message, the Park Geun-hye government and I have been grappling for the last 20 months with the question of how to overcome the Asia paradox and secure the momentum for a virtuous cycle of economic cooperation and peaceful and stable regional order. For Korea, this is a critical question, because when it comes to matters of peace and security, the Korea peninsula and the Northeast Asia are linked closely together.

Since President Park proposed the Northeast Asia Peace and Cooperation Initiative, or NAPCI, we have had discussions at the summit and ministerial level with regional countries, and also consulted with extra-regional partners such as OSCE, NATO, the EU and ASEAN.

This process has led us to share our views on the need of, and the vision for NAPCI. In this regard, today’s Forum is momentous – for this is the first gathering of government officials, from near and afar, to discuss and debate what and how we can do to open a new path to peace and cooperation in Northeast Asia.

The road ahead may not be smooth. But we have no shortage of inspirations from across the world. In particular, Europe has been a source of great inspiration for us. We know there are many differences between Northeast Asia and Europe.

Nevertheless, Europe’s experience also points to the need for a long term vision shared by the countries involved and their will to set up a roadmap to implement it in diverse forms such as ECSC, CSCE and normalization of relations between Germany and its neighbors.

On this positive note, and in the spirit of providing some food for thought, I would like to share the Korean perspective on six useful checklists that could be applied to NAPCI.

First, is an open, collaborative approach. Participating countries, as co-architects, may take the lead on or participate in discussing agenda items that interest them. This will ensure a sense of joint ownership and boost the solidarity and connectivity between member states.

Second, is the search for common denominators in the regional policies of participating states. Northeast Asia is a region where America’s rebalance to the Asia Pacific, China’s neighborhood diplomacy, Japan’s proactive diplomacy and Russia’s new Northeast Asia policy overlap and where South and North Korea should deal with each other. If we identify their commonalities and find the leeway for cooperation, this could be beneficial to all participants.

Third, is building complementary relations with existing regional or subregional mechanisms. For example, NAPCI would create a mutually beneficial synergy effect with trilateral cooperation among China, Japan and Korea, the Six Party Talks, the ARF and East Asia Summit (EAS). NAPCI will be a companion, not a contender, to the present bilateral and multilateral efforts. As Steve Jobs remarked, efforts come to fruition by “connecting the dots.” In a similar vein, NAPCI will be a focal point for the aspirations of Northeast Asians desiring peace and cooperation.

Fourth, comes the process of gradual evolution. The focus would not be on short term results, but on progressing at a speed the stakeholders will find comfortable. There would also be flexibility in the level of cooperation. The amount of trust will be taken into account, and participation will be on a voluntary basis. Its approach will be practical and realistic. It would try to garner the political will for high level dialogue, making it, in effect, a bottom-up process that will generate top-down momentum.

Fifth, NAPCI would start by practicing dialogue and cooperation in non-traditional soft security areas. Following the stocking up of a solid mass of trust, NAPCI will cast a wide net to encompass a broader scope of collaboration, and aim for a higher level of dialogue. In addition, NAPCI’s success can improve and reinforce the bilateral relations between regional members.

Sixth, comes the creation of new opportunities by connecting Eurasia with the Pacific. Regional states have already come up with various plans – Korea’s Eurasia Initiative, China’s New Silk Road Economic Belt, America’s Rebalance to Asia and Russia’s Eurasian Economic Union and the like. A successful NAPCI will bridge the Pacific region and the Eurasian continent, and has the potential to bring forth earlier a new Pacific era and a new Eurasian age.

Ladies and gentlemen,

“Start by doing what is necessary, then what is possible, and suddenly you are doing the impossible,” This wisdom of Saint Francis is still relevant in this day. Our resolve to do what we can do will lead us to the moment where our vision has become reality.

Likewise, we know that “a small step for man” can be “a giant leap for mankind.” Human history has a record of small endeavors leading to great achievements. I sincerely hope this Forum will mark the beginning of a new era, an age where the Pacific ocean will literally be a pacific and prosperous sea. So today, let us all become co-architects present at the creation of a new Northeast Asia.